In 1983, how many corporations controlled the vast majority of all news media in America?

However, by 1992, what had this number fallen to?

In 2014, how many corporations had media ownership?

According to Ben Bagdikian, how many owners would there be if America's media outlets were owned by separate individuals?

Which sociologist claims that there has been a similar concentration of ownership in the British newspaper industry since the early 20th century?

In 1937, four men owned nearly half of the national and local daily newspapers sold in the UK. How were these men known?

In 2015, how many individuals dominate the ownership and content of UK national daily and Sunday newspapers?

How many national newspaper groups are controlled by companies, rather than individuals?

There's also evidence of concentration of ownership in British commercial and satellite television. The content of commercial television is predominantly controlled by which company?

Likewise, access to satellite, cable and digital television is generally controlled by which three companies?

Concentration of media ownership is strengthened by a number of factors. Give examples:

What is meant by 'horizontal integration'?

What is meant by 'vertical integration'?

What is meant by 'lateral expansion'?

What is meant by 'global conglomeration'?

What is meant by 'synergy'?

Finally, what is meant by 'technological convergence'?

Which sociologist argues that it is important to study media ownership and control?

Gillian Doyle suggests that the study of media ownership is necessary because it is important for societies to have a diverse and pluralistic media provision so that all points of view can be heard. Where concentration of ownership occurs, what is there a risk of?

What are the three theories of media ownership and control provided in this chapter?

From a pluralist perspective, modern capitalist societies are democratic. Why do pluralists consider the mass media essential and impartial facilitators of democracy?

The pluralist theory on media ownership can be broken into five branches. What are they?

Firstly, pluralist argue that the 'economics of media ownership' will always prevent owners from abusing their positions of power. Why?

Even if owners did impose their political will on audiences, pluralists argue that the 'segmented nature' of the global media marketplace prevents them from having much impact. What do they mean by 'segmented', and what result does this segmentation have?

What is the true rationale for the concentration of ownership and control, according to pluralists?

Secondly, pluralists regard the media as a 'democratic mirror'. What do they mean by this?

If certain viewpoints receive more screen-time than others, why is this the case, according to pluralists?

Thirdly, pluralists argue that a significant proportion of the media market in the UK is taken up by public service broadcasters (PSBs). What is the most famous PSB?

Created in 1926 by a Royal Charter, what is the BBC legally obliged to provide?

Pluralists see PSBs as the epitome of impartial media and a counterweight to any potential bias that may occur within the private sector. However, why do many commentators believe that the BBC is abandoning its PSB aims?

How do pluralists respond to this criticism?

The fourth strand of the pluralist argument is that state controls restrict the power of media owners. How do they do so?

In the UK, an additional state constraint takes the form of legal requirements placed upon both the BBC and ITV. Who enforced these requirements?

When was Ofcom established, and for what purpose?

The fifth and final branch of the pluralist view is that media professionalism prevents any misuse of power by media owners. What do they mean by this?

They point out that the media have a strong tradition of investigative journalism, which often targets those in power. Give examples of such instances:

Despite presenting some interesting ideas, the pluralist view of the media has been criticised by many people. How does James Curran respond to the pluralist view that media owners are unable to abuse their power?

Pluralists have also been criticised for overstating the impartiality of journalists. Which sociologists argue that journalists are too reliant upon official sources for information, which undermines journalistic objectivity?

It can also be argued that journalists' reports are one-sided, rather than balanced, due to the journalists forming opinions and 'taking sides'. What did Paul Trowler find?

Why are feminists critical of the pluralist perspective?

Finally, it has been argued that it is difficult for ordinary people to decide what they want to see or hear if the media provides their only source of information. Why?

The second theory of media ownership and control is provided by Marxists. What do Marxists think of the UK's capitalist economic system?

Marxists believe that inequalities in wealth and income are the direct result of the way in which capitalism is organised. What tool do capitalists use to ensure capitalism is accepted, according to marxists?

How do they disseminate their ideology?

What type of consciousness does ruling-class ideology bring about?

The marxist theory can be broken into two categories. What are they?

Ralph Miliband takes a marxist instrumentalist approach to the ownership an control of media. How does he regard the mass media?

Miliband argues that media owners and output shape and manipulate the way in which we think about the world we live in. How does the media portray wealth?

Marxist instrumentalists state that media representations of ethnic minorities typically portray them as criminals, migrants and extremists. Why do they do this, according to Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack?

Marxist instrumentalists argue that the mass media ensures that members of society are exposed to a narrow range of 'approved' views. What happens to alternative points of view?

According to the marxist instrumentalist theory, media owners play a major role in helping to control the working class through a 'bread and circuses' approach. What is meant by this?

Why are media owners happy to transmit ruling-class ideology through their media outlets?

Which two sociologists argue that governments do not control the activities of media owners because the interests of the two groups often overlap?

Tunstall and Palmer suggest that 'regulatory favours' are now common between governments and media owners. What are regulatory favours?

What is the problem with the theory about regulatory favours?

Instrumental marxists also fail to explain how an owner's media manipulation works in practice. How can their evidence be described?

Instrumental marxists fail to acknowledge any form of inequality other than class inequality. How can they therefore be described?

Additionally, marxist instrumentalists can be criticised for accusing journalists and editors of having lost their integrity. What evidence contradicts their claims?

Additionally, what has allowed ordinary people to subject the ruling-class and political elite to more scrutiny, thus reducing the possibility of misuse of power by media owners?

Curran's analysis of media ownership partially supports the instrumental marxist theory - he found evidence indicating that press barons did previously abuse their power. However, what does Curran argue regarding abuse of power today?

Nonetheless, Curran suggests that there is sufficient evidence that the actions of media owners produce content that, in the long term, benefits capitalism. As such, Curran's analysis is less like the Marxist instrumentalist theory and more like what?

Which group illustrates the hegemonic Marxist theory?

The GUMG argue that media content does support the interests of the ruling-class, but that this hegemony is most likely an accidental by-product of what?

According to the Sutton Trust, how many of the top 100 journalists in the UK attended independent private schools, which educate a mere 7% of all UK pupils?

What important question do Sutton Trust ask, following this finding?

According to the GUMG, these journalists and broadcasters tend to believe in what sort of ideas?

Such journalists and broadcasters often see anyone who believes in ideas outside of this consensus as 'extremist'. These individuals are rarely allowed to contribute to media outlets. When they are allowed, how do journalists respond?

However, rather than a desire to transmit capitalist ideology, why does this journalistic desire to not 'rock the boat' exist, according to the GUMG?

How does adopting a consensus view of the world help maximise profit?

Conversely, broadcasting 'offensive' content will alienate audience, which will result in a loss of profits, and journalists therefore 'play safe' with content. What is the result of this journalistic consensus, according to the GUMG?

When agenda setting, the media present a fairly narrow agenda for discussion. The GUMG argue that this narrow agenda fails to provide audiences with important information that would assist them in making informed choices about the running of society. What does this result in?

Owen Jones agrees with the hegemonic marxist perspective. What does he believe media owners and their staff are a part of?

Jones says that it should be the media's job to scrutinise the activities of the Establishment. Why do they not do this, however?

The hegemonic marxist theory has been criticised for focusing exclusively on media professionals. What does this tunnel vision imply?

Some critics have noted that the hegemonic marxist focus on agenda-setting is very similar to which marxist instrumentalist theory?

What criticism do feminists make of the hegemonic marxist theory?

Finally, some critics argue that we now have the power to counter the influence of the establishment-orientated media. How?

The third and final theory of media ownership and control is provided by postmodernists. Claudio Strinati argues that countries, including our own, have been transformed in the past three decades. How?

According to postmodernists, postmodern society has three characteristics that have an impact on the ownership and control debate. What are they?

Firstly, postmodernists argue that postmodern society is media-saturated. Which sociologist points this out?

Secondly, postmodernists argue that postmodern societies are built upon globalisation. How does this apply to the debate about media ownership?

Thirdly, postmodernists argue that postmodern citizens have become skeptical or even cynical about the power of science, politics and the media to change the world. What is the result of this?

Another postmodernist who comments on this debate is Jean Baudrillard, who argues audiences are now submerged in information. What is the impact of this?

How does Baudrillard refer to the media version of reality?

What has this hyperreality undermined?

Due to their multiple meanings, what can media messages be referred to as?

Why have media messages become polysemic, according to postmodernists?

Which sociologist notes that members of society now have more choice in their access to greater media diversity, which makes it easier for them to reject or challenge the metanarratives proposed by the ruling-class?

As a result of the characteristics identified by postmodernists, what can sociologists arguably no longer claim?

However, postmodernist theories of media ownership have received criticism. Why have their methodologies been criticised?

Postmodernists have also been accused of exaggerating the impact of what?

Finally, critics argue that postmodernist fail to acknowledge the overwhelming evidence for the existence of what?