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Prenatal Development: Stages and Fetal Learning
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Prenatal Development
Nature vs Nurture
Genotype (nature) + environment (nurture) = Phenotype (how DNA is expressed; like our characteristics and behavioral tendencies)
Stages of prenatal development
Zygote - when it is only cells and just beginning to form
Embryo - this has a similar structure across species
Fetus - 9 weeks to birth
Fetal Behavior
We begin to learn before we are even born but after viability
Viability occurs 24+ weeks
Fetus can remember auditory stimulus, learned to recognize it, and discriminate a novel stimulus
Do Fetuses have long term memories too?
Audition study - The Cat in the Hat
In this study pregnant moms had to read the cat in the hat allowed twice a day for 6 weeks
When the baby was born they gave them a special pacifier to suck on. They would play two stories, one being the cat in the hat and one a random story. The baby would adjust their sucking pattern in order to hear the familiar story
Newborns remembered patterns while still in the womb
Smell Study - Amniotic Fluid Study
In this study newborns were given a blanket that either had their amniotic fluid on it or another babies
They preferred the blanket with their own amniotic fluid on it
Newborns remembered smells that they encountered while they were still in the womb, and they should familiarity preferences
Taste study - Carrot Juice Study
Pregnant mom would drink carrot juice 4 days a week for their last 3 weeks of pregnancy
Once the child was 5.5 months old they gave the baby cereal prepared with carrot juice and cereal prepared with water
The babies “given” carrot juice before birth preferred the carrot juice cereal
Newborns remember tastes they were given in the womb, even 6 months later
Native Language Study
Newborns had their special pacifier and the experimenter played two sounds, one was of their native language and the other was of another language (french)
The baby adjusted their sucking to hear their native language
Newborns remember linguistic sounds that they heard while still in the womb
After viability the newborn shows both short-term and long-term memory
Brain Growth
Babies have few neurons at birth. They then gain a bunch of neurons over the next few years so that around the age of 7 there are the most neurons. Then as we get older we slowly lose those extra neurons.
Helps us to learn a bunch of new things when we are young
The way the brain grows and develops is due to both nature and nurture
Experience-Expectant Plasticity
According to this evolution expects that all individuals have certain common experiences (due to nature)
The idea is that the brain is wired to have these things already programed into it (such as vision)
Normally development will involve certain types of experiences that shape neural connectivity
These changes WILL NOT OCCUR without a particular experience during the right time period
Experience-Dependent Plasticity
Each individual has very different experiences throughout life
Normal experiences throughout lifespan shape cognition and behavior, resulting in different brains for different individuals
Brain Structure
Our brains are built to make up for if a critical input is missing (such as vision)
Our brain is hard-wired to organize information in a certain way, but it is able to reorganize if an unusual experience occurs
Teratogens
An environmental agent that can cause harm to a baby before it is born (while it is still in prenatal development)
4 Principles of degree of harm:
Age of fetus at time of exposure
sensitivity period: this is when a certain thing of the baby is developing most during a particular time. During this time that structure/ability is most vulnerable to damage
Example: when thalidomide was prescribed in the 1950s for morning sickness and babies had limb development issues
Dose Size
The greater the dose the greater the harm to the fetus
Example: Fetal Alcohol Syndrome
Heredity: Genetic makeup of mothers and fetus
Other negative influences (additional teratogens, lack of access to health care, etc.)
SIDS
Unexpected death of infant, no known cause
Associated with smoking (3.5x more likely)
What can be done?
Don’t smoke
Put baby on back to sleep
Firm mattress, no pillows, loose blanket, toys
Environmental Pollutants
Lead exposure, particularly in poor communities
Higher lead levels leads to higher risk of miscarriage, pre-term birth, later ADHD symptoms and lower academic performance
Maternal Factors
Age
Nutrition
Disease
Stress
Prematurity and Low Birth Weight
Prematurity = born at or before 35 weeks
Low birth weight = <5.5 lbs; very low = <3.3 lbs
Infant and Maternal Mortality
What can be done?
Increase access to healthcare
Combat systemic racism and appropriately train staff
Increase maternity leave and make it paid
Narrow the income gap
Perceptual Development 1
Perception
Organizing and interpreting sensory input (such as the light hitting the retina)
5 things involved in discrimination
Attend to some stimuli over others (discrimination)
Locate the source of the perceptual information
Identify perceptual information by comparing it to previous experiences
Integrate information across different sensory modalities (e.g., sound and sight)
Use that information to guide behavior
Taste and Smell
Infants can discriminate between taste/smell
They tend to prefer tastes that they have had before (Such as the carrot juice study)
Innately prefer sweeter tastes, they tend to dislike sour and bitter tastes
They prefer the scent of their own lactating mother to any other lactating woman
This requires discrimination, comparison to smells stored in memory
Audition
Infants tend to prefer listening to human speech over other sounds
Locating sounds
Infants reflexively turn their heads towards sounds
By 4 months, infants seem to “expect” something from the place where the sound came from
Complex sounds
Infants are able to distinguish between categorial sounds in speech in different languages
Vision
Infants were originally thought to be blind at birth, this is not true
However, babies vision is really bad when they are born and improves over time
Visual Acuity
Infants’ visual acuity measured via preferential looking
Assumptions:
Infants will prefer to look at the display that is more visually complex
If they infant shows any preference that means that they are able to discriminate between the two screens
Visual Acuity Study-1
In this study babies are shown two screens one with chunkier/larger black and white lines and another with smaller and thinner black and white lines
The infants eye gaze is then studied and they should look at the one that looks more visual complex to them (which should be the larger one)
As the lines get smaller, they may not be able to see a difference and the child would not show a preference for an image and get bored
Visual Acuity Study-2
Same idea can be done but you are showing the child paddles with the lines on them if the child puts in the effort to turn their head or gaze to look that means they can see the lines
Infants can see, and their vision improves drastically over the first year of life
Visual Acuity Study-3
Same study as 1, however the contrast is turned down from black to gray on the larger stripes
Babies do not react to low contrast
Color Perception
Newborns show color preferences
By 3-4 months, infants’ color perception is like adults’
Do infants innately perceive the same color categories as we do? Or do they learn color categories from us?
Visual Habituation Procedure
Babies will habituate to a light blue and then dishabituate when the color is changed to a dark blue
If they suddenly show the baby a green color, the baby will dishabituate even more
By just a few months, infants reliably discriminate different color categories
Some aspects of perception require maturation (e.g., visual acuity, color perception), but do not depend on learning
Intermodal Perception
Integrating at least 2 senses, this seems to be present in the first few months of life
Touch and smell
Touch and vision
Babies have either a smooth or bumpy pacifier in their mouth and they will look at the image of the one that they have in their mouth
Vision and audition
A noise is played and the baby will look at the video that would make that sound
Critical Periods
If a particular experience doesn’t occur at a particular time, there can be a dramatic impact on development/learning
Learning is easiest during a sensitive period
What happens when an input is missing?
(Vision) if repaired later in life, vision will somewhat recover, it will never reach full functioning
If one input is missing another one will attempt to make up for it
Perceptual Development 2
The Problem of Depth
Even after objects are identified, how do we know if they are near or far?
How do we ever know how far away objects are?
Cues:
Convergence (binocular cue)
The closer an object is to your face, the more your eyeballs will turn inwards (aka the more your eyeballs will converge)
The farther the object is from your face, the more your eyeballs will stay parallel
Example: when you slowly move your finger closer to your face the closer it gets the more your eyes cross/converge
Binocular Disparity (binocular cue)
The closer an object is to your face, the more different the image received by the left vs right eye will be
Abnormal depth perception: Strabismus
Example: when you put your finger up in front of your face and blink one eye at a time your finger will appear to move
Optical Expansion
Sudden increase in apparent object size that may signal to you that an object is approaching
Example: a ball flying at your face; it goes from looking tiny to a lot bigger as it approaches
Motion Parallax (motion cue)
Nearby objects appear to “pass by” at a faster rate than more distant objects
Example: when you are driving in a care and look ahead things look to be passing pretty slow but if you look out the window beside you things look to me flying by really fast
Interposition (monocular/pictorial cue)
Nearby objects usually look more “complete”; farther objects often occluded
Example: in a picture if a child is standing in front of their mother you don’t just assume that the lower half of the mother doesn’t exist because the child is blocking the view of it. You know the lower half exists even though you cannot see it
Texture Change (monocular/pictorial cue)
Objects that are father form a finer texture than nearby objects
Example: think of a picture of a crowd of people you are going to be able to pick out heads in the front of the picture but it is going to get harder and then impossible as you get father away in the “back” of the picture
Linear Perspective (monocular/pictorial cue)
Lines appear to converge with increasing distance
Example: if you look at a train track it will be clear to you that the rails under you are parallel but if you look far ahead it looks like the rains are slowly leaning into each other or converging as the distance increases
Do we have to learn depth?
Descartes says “No” ; Berkeley says “Yes”
Can infants use any of these cues to perceive depth?
We already know that 1 month olds respond defensively to looming objects
Eleanor Gibson’s visual cliff experiments (1950s)
In this experiment there is a table with a glass top. Under the glass top there is a checkered board pattern. One one side it appears to be right there under the glass, on the other side it appears on the floor so to the baby or animal on the table it looks like a ledge that they would “fall” off of if they went there
This study was done on babies
They would encourage the baby to crawl onto the “cliff” side and they wouldn’t do it
Did babies learn to perceive depth and avoid the deep side?
Possibility 1: A few weeks of crawling experience taught babies about depth and relative safety
To test this possibility they put pre-crawlers in a harness and lowered them onto the “cliff side” while measuring their heart rate
Their heart rate would increase
This indicated that infants perceived depth prior to crawling experience; Ruling out Possibility 1
Possibility 2: Babies learn from visual experiences, not motor experiences (crawling is not necessary)
This was tested by using animal models (rats)
They used light-reared rats (normal) and dark-reared rats (they have never seen anything before
Both the light and dark reared rats avoided the cliff
Cliff avoidance is independent of visual experience in rats; Ruling out Possibility 2
The study was then conducted with other animals that can walk right after birth and none would go on the side of the cliff
Conclusions
There is no necessary relationship between mechanisms of depth perception and cliff avoidance across species
Every animal that was tested was found to have unlearned mechanisms for perceiving depth and avoiding the cliff
Evolutionary argument
Face Perception
Infants prefer to look at faces over other stimuli
How do we know? What is it about faces?
Different types of faces study
Newborns were shown three different types of “faces” on paddles
One was a normal black and white schematic face
One was scrambled or upside down
One was 3 oriented blobs (that resembled a face)
The newborns tracked the normal and 3 blob faces equally, but tracked the scrambled face less
What is innate appears to be pretty simple
Face preferences
By a few hours old, an infant will prefer to look at their mother’s face over a strangers
By a few days old, an infant will prefer to look at female faces over male faces (as long as a female is the primary caregiver)
By 3 months old, infants will prefer looking at faces of their own race rather than faces of another race
Perceptual Narrowing
Until 6 months old, infants can discriminate between faces of various races
By 9 months infants lose this ability to discriminate between other race faces = this is perceptual narrowing
Motor Development
Reflexes
Definition = innate, fixed patterns that occur in response to particular types of stimulation
These are remnants from our revolutionary past
Many of our reflexes disappear after some time, while other persist throughout our life
Eye blink
Stimulation: Sudden light or noise
Response: Rapid closing of eyelids
Disappears: Never
Probable function: Protects from suddenly looming objects
Rooting
Stimulation: Stroke of face near mouth
Response: Head turns toward stimulus to suck
Disappears: 3 weeks
Probable Function: Locate nipple
Sucking and Swallowing
Stimulation: Object in infant’s mouth
Response: Rhythmic sucking and swallowing
Disappears: Never
Probable Function: Ingestion of nutrients
Moro
Stimulation: Sudden removal of support
Response: Arched back, extended legs, arms out then in
Disappears: 6 months
Probable Function: Clinging to parent
Palmer Grasp
Stimulation: Object pressed against palm
Response: Spontaneous tight grasp
Disappears: 3-4 months
Probable Function: Clinging to parent (evolutionary past); prepares for voluntary grasping
Stepping
Stimulation: Supported infants’ bare feet touch surface
Response: Alternating stepping response
Disappears: 2 months (comes back around one year)
Probable Function: Prepares for voluntary walking
Stepping - Why does it disappear?
Observation: after 2 months when upright, stepping disappears; when lying down, stepping reappears!
Hypothesis: Infants’ legs are too heavy to lift against gravity when upright
Experiment: Artificially alter the infants’ body weight to see if stepping is modulated
They put a baby over 2 months but not walking yet waist down in water and they would start stepping
They then put lead-weighted boots on the baby while they were in the water and they would no longer step
Result: Body weight influences stepping ability (and later on, once they get strong enough to lift their legs they begin stepping again)
Motor Milestones
Gross motor development
Lifting head
On stomach, can raise chest with arms
Rolls over
Sits on own
Stands
Walk along furniture
Walking
Fine motor skills
Palmer grasp
Raking grasp
Pincer grasp
Neat pincer grasp
Proximodistal trend: Motor control proceeds from torso out to fingers
Determinants of Motor Milestones
Some cultures actively promote motor development. How?
Back-sleeping, tummy time / rolling
Toys that help them cruise (walk with aid) and chairs that sit practically newborns straight up and down
Different cultures can shift motor milestone timing/onset, but children universally develop similar skills in roughly similar order
Motor Learning
Question: What do babies learn from experience in these different postures?
Answer: Learn about physical properties of bodies, and interactions between their bodies and surfaces in the world
Karen Adolph Studies
Placed two raised “tables” and put a baby on one table then a gap and then a toy at the other
If the baby didn’t recognize the situation as dangerous if they reached, they would reach for the toy and “fall” into the gap
If they recognized the situation as dangerous they would not reach for the toy, and therefore not “fall”
First they had babies sit, then crawl, then walk
What they found is that the baby had to be experienced in each of these tasks (sit, crawl, and walk) in order to be able to judge the situation correctly
Infants learning appears to be posture-specific:
Learn about changing body (taller, stronger, more slender,
Learn about limitations of body in different positions
Learn about limitations of body on different surfaces
This job continues throughout the lifespan
Motor development is partially due to nature (innate reflexes, inherited body proportions) and partially a result of nurture (culture values, learning about what your body can/can’t do in different postures, on different surfaces)
Understanding the Physical World
Jean Pieaget
empiricism/constructivism view
Believes that nearly everything must be learned; only physical growth and ability to learn from experience are innate
Believed that children are actively constructing knowledge about the world
Believed that children passes through qualitatively different knowledge states on the way to final state of mature knowledge (discontinuous change)
Discontinuous change
Stages are qualitatively different from one another
Children go through brief transitions when passing through one stage onto the next
Stages are broadly applicable, capturing children’s thinking about many different types of problems
All children pass through all stages in an invariant sequence
What did Piaget think infants start with?
Stage 1: Sensorimotor
Piaget: infants begin without any knowledge; they must learn everything by experiencing the environment
Newborns: “bundle of reflexes” which are fine-tuned with experience
Months 1-4: slowly organize reflexes into coordinated actions (e.g., bring hand to mouth to suck on)
Months 4-9: become interested in objects and people, but discover relationships by change
Months 9-12: understand relationships between sights, sounds, etc.
Throughout all of this, Piaget thought infants have a very different understanding of the world than adults do
Object Permanence
Piaget: infants see the world very differently than adults do
Thus, believed that infants don’t have object permanence
Object permanence test
Put down two towels, showed the baby a toy (for example) and would then in front of them put the toy under the towel and the baby would look confused like they didn’t know where it went
Once the baby got older (8-10) they would lift up the towel to find the toy
Or they put a toy in front of them them but then put a wall blocking between them blocking the babies view of the toy
Came to believe that “for infants, objects only exist when visible”; and that infants don’t have object permanence
Piaget:
Infants initially perceive objects as loose collections of color and shapes
Over time and experience, infants begin to accidentally interact with objects
This teaches them about how to interact with objects (“if I reach for an object, I usually get it”)
With more experience (not until a year), they develop more complex rules of interaction (“If I reach for an object the last place I saw it, I usually get it”)
“Knowledge is hard-won, but built slowly using action experience”
But was Piaget right??
Possibilities
Concepts (like “object”) themselves change over time
Example: when the toy is in front of them “wow look at that toy” then when the wall is put between “poof! Nothing there!”
Concepts remain constant; Memory changes
Example: when the toy is in front of them “ooh, a toy!” then when the wall is put between “was something there? I forgot”
Concepts remain constant: Action abilities change
Example: when the toy is in front of them it is easy for them to get to, then when the wall is put there they know it is too difficult for them to get to so they don’t even try
Competence-Performance Distinction = a subject’s ability to demonstrate knowledge may be masked by demands of the task, unrelated to the knowledge itself
The trick: To get infants’ knowledge, make the task easier!
Baillargeons’s rotating barrier experiment (4 months)
Baby watches a screen rotate back and forth 180 degrees
Possible event: Then as a test trial they but an object behind the screen and once the screen hits it it stops at 120 degrees
Impossible event: They “put the object” behind the screen but the screen does not stop it goes the whole 180 degrees
Make the task easier, infants succeed
Infants even represent that an object cannot pass through another object
So why do infants fail with Piaget’s version of the task?
Possibility 1: Infants’ memory is too short to allow them to remember the occluded object
Study: they tested this by doing the test where they have the toy under a towel.
At 9 months old with a long delay the baby did not “find” the toy.
At 9 months old with a short delay the baby found the toy
Possibility 2: Infants still remember the toy, but representation of the cloth overwhelms the weaker toy representation
Study: they did the cloth study but did it in the light and in the complete dark
At 7 months in the light the baby was not able to find the toy
At 7 months in the dark the baby was able to find the toy
Possibility 3: Means-end problem: Infants have trouble coordinating series of behaviors needed to get the toy
Easy: the toy is right in front of the infant with nothing blocking it
Harder: the toy is in front of the baby but in a box
Hardest: the toy is in a box that is flipped on its side where the baby is not able to see the toy
All 3 of these factors/possibilities probably affect infants’ “failures
Infants progress through stages in their competence in their behavior toward objects
Piaget thought this reflected infants’ changing concept of “object”
Newer research suggests that Piaget underestimated infants’ knowledge
Many factors affect how infants will behave in a task (memory, other interesting representations, means-ends demands)
All of these combine to reflect changes in object COGNITION
Liz Spelke’s Core Knowledge Hypothesis
Nativism / core knowledge hypothesis view
Infants come into the world with knowledge about a small number of core demains
What does babies’ core knowledge of objects consist of?
Spelke: infants are born with principles for reasoning about objects, including: Continuity, Solidity, Cohesion, Contact, and Support
Continuity: objects continue to exist, even when hidden (entails object permanence, plus more)
Baby knows objects don’t magically disappear
Baby knows objects don’t magically appear
Question: is this knowledge innate?
Demonstrated in 3 month old babies
Demonstrated in newborn animals
Imprinting: newborn chicks will imprint on the first mid-sized object they see (usually mom)
Test: Will a newborn chick imprint on a triangle. If the triangle is blocked by something, will baby chicks know it is still there and follow it?
Chicks follow the triangle mom behind the screen that is blocking it. Showing that they must know she still exists even though the chick cannot see it. They know this even though it is the first time they have seen an object blocked by something else
It is innate not learned
Question: Are infants representing that “some object” will continue to exist? Or are they representing that particular object?
Carrot Study - do 3.5 month olds remember the height of a hidden object
First they habituate the babies by having the carrot go behind a normal block and the come out the same side as the same size
Next they do a possible test trial where the block has a cut out and the carrot goes behind it but you still wouldn’t be able to see the carrot through the cut out because it is too short
Then they do an impossible test trail where block has a cut out and the carrot goes behind it but this time the carrot is taller so you would see it through the cut out, but you don’t see it
Conclusion: longer looking to impossible trials
Infants represent object properties, and use these to reason about how an object should (and shouldn’t) behave
Solidity: objects cannot pass through one another
Bailargeon’s drawbridge study: Do babies actually understand solidity?
Do infants detect other solidity violations?
Toy car going into or through wall study
They had a car go down a ramp into a wall sometimes it would stop at the wall other times it would end up on the other side of the wall
Infants as young as 2 months reliably look longer at the “impossible” trials across a variety of experiments
Infants understand object solidity
Cohesion: Objects move as unified wholes (if you pick up an object the whole thing will move not just part of it will come off)
Contact: No action at a distance
Example: if you slide one object into another and it makes contact it will make the other object move. If they don’t make contact the other object will not move
Support: Unsupported objects will fall
Bailargeon support studies
Has one block on a surface and does a possible support test where the block stays on the surface. Then does an impossible support test where the block is pushed off the surface and it floats.
Spelke’s Claim: This knowledge stays with us throughout our lifespans, and is probably evolutionarily ancient (present in chicks, dogs, primates)
Question: Does that mean knowledge of objects doesn’t change at all over time, or with experience?
No! Object knowledge does change, but it gets REFINED, not overturned
Bailargeon shows that infants’ knowledge of support gets refined over the first year
3 months: initial concept: contact vs no contact
4.5 months: which surfaces are in contact
6.5 months: amount of contact
12.5 months: Proportional distribution
Core Knowledge does not equal Anti-learning
Stahl and Feigenson (2015) solidity and support studies
Solidity: had a toy car go down a ramp and it either ran into a wall or “went through” the wall
Support: toy car on raised surface and it was either pushed on the surface or pushed off the surface and floated
All infants who saw violation to core object knowledge learned better about that object: they played with it in specific ways to see if there was anything special about the object
Solidity: repeatedly banged the object on solid surface (to see if it would magically go through an object again)
Support: repeatedly dropped the object (too see if it would magically float again)
Babies come into the world with innate expectations about objects (Spelke, Baillargeon), and they can use that knowledge guide what to learn about and explore in the future (nature and nurture)
Summary: Core Knowledge of Objects
Conceptual knowledge about what objects can/can’t do (continuity, solidity, cohesion, support, etc.)
Present in babies and newborn animals, at least to some extent
A fundamental set of expectations about the world which remains constant through life
This knowledge gets refined or added to, with experience
In some cases (e.g., object permanence), early knowledge gets masked by other deficits
Numeral Cognition
Number Knowledge
How can young infants determine how many objects there are?
Number = case of innate, core knowledge, and genuine qualitative (discontinuous) change
Do you children know anything about numbers?
Kids seem to be able to count really young, however kids don’t actually know how to count until age 3 ½
When they count up to then they are really just mocking what they have heard they don’t understand what it truly means to count
Just reciting the count list is not actually counting
Counting involves many abilities:
One-to-one correspondence (each object in the set should only be counted once)
Stable order (counting in correct number order)
Order irrelevance (it doesn’t matter what order you count the objects in)
Abstract nature of number (anything that can be counted can be quantified)
Cardinal world principle (idea that the last word that you say when you are counting is the answer to how many there are of that thing)
What kinds actually learn about counting by each age:
1.5-2 years: understands “one” (=”a”); all other number words synonymous with “some”
For 6-8 months, when asked for sets >1 (e.g., “two” or “five”), kids grab any random set larger than one
They do not actually count to create the set and often violate counting principles when checking
They do not fix it correctly when asked (70% of wrong answers are not adjusted, or adjusted in the wrong direction
2-2.5 years: master meaning of “two”; all words except “one” and “two” taken to mean “some”
Children learn what “two” means, give 2 without counting, but grab randomly when asked for “three” or more
This persists for 6 months
2.5-3 years: Master meaning of “three”; all words except “one”, “two”, or “three” taken to mean “some”
Children learn what “three” means, give 3 without counting, but grab randomly when asked for “four” or more
This persists for a few months
3.5-4 years: master meaning of “four”
Once they master “four”, they usually understand the meaning of all other words in their count list
A major induction is made: “the next word in my count list refers to the set created by adding one more object”
Learning to count is hard and takes nearly 2 years to master
Could young children show a simpler, non-verbal sensitivity to numbers?
Large, approximate number system
Adults (and kids) can represent approximate number, independent of counting
Dot study
Performance shows 2 important “signatures”:
Mean increases with target number
Error increases with target number
Performance follows Weber’s Law
The ability to discriminate 2 numbers depends on their ratio, not the absolute difference between them
What about infants?
Xu and Spelke (2000): Habituate 6 month olds to either 8 or 16 dots
They would habituate babies to 8 dots until they seemed to get bored and then would show them 16 dots and they would be intrigued again
Test with old number vs new number
6 months old can determine a 1:2 ratio
Yes! Infants have approximate, non-linguistic number representations that are sensitive to numerical ratio (Weber’s Law)
In infancy
Other ways to test approximate number discrimination
Numerical change detection
Intermodal matching (makes a certain number of sounds then baby has to look at which picture has that many objects)
Present in newborns too
Newborns can discriminate a 1:3 ratio
By 6 months, infants discriminate a 1:2 ratio
By 9 months, infants discriminate a 2:3 ratio
By adulthood, we can discriminate a 10:11 ratio
Like the case of visual acuity, approximate number representations present early on
Like visual acuity, these representations sharpen over development (continuity throughout the lifespan)
Manipulating quantities
5+5= about 10
5+5 does not = about 5
Infants can mentally manipulate large quantities (addition and subtraction) approximately
Beyond Infancy
Children’s ability to approximate large number quantities in infancy is related to their preschool math abilities several years later
Children’s ability to approximate large number quantities in childhood is related to their math SAT scores many years later
Small, exact number system
Can infants keep track of precise numerical quantities?
YES, but we find out in cracker study that the ability is limited
Wynn (1992): 5 month olds do simple “addition” and “subtraction”
An object is placed on a stage and then a screen comes up
Another object is added, and the baby watches the hand leave empty
The possible outcome: screen drops leaving 2 objects
The impossible outcome: screen drops revealing 1 object
Baby looks confused when the impossible outcome of 1 object is revealed
Also shows object permanence
Feigenson, Carey, and Hauser (2002): Cracker choice task (10-12 months
They show the baby a certain amount of crackers and places one amount in one cup and another amount in a different cup
Then see what cup the baby goes to
Their performance falls to chance (50%) when >3 crackers presented in the location
Babies can precisely track and compare quantities of objects
But can only do so for 1, 2, or 3; more than 3 and they fall apart!
Performance determined by absolute number of objects shown, not by ratio between quantities
Very different performance “signature” implicates different representational system for that used for large, approximate number
Adults are fast and accurate at recognizing arrays for 1, 2, or 3
Adults too use one system for representing 1, 2, and 3, and a different system for approximating larger quantities
Large Approximate vs Small Exact
Large approximate number system
For large quantities
Imprexise
Estimations get less accurate as number increases
Ratio-dependent
Small exact number system
For small quantities
Highly precise
Limited to absolute number of items (3-4)
Not ratio-dependent
Number Summary
Humans endowed from birth with 2 core systems for representing number:
Large, approximate system
Small, exact system
These two systems are in place throughout the lifespan, and are present in other animal species - continuity!
But only humans develop ability to represent exact, large numbers (e.g., “17”, “12,823”)
This ability seems to involve language, and learning to count
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